The steps taken at the founding of the State of Israel and the events of the Six-Day War have etched into us a profound principle that speaks directly to these very days: this is how sovereignty is achieved.
As we approach the marking of 59 years since the liberation of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza in the Six-Day War, it is fitting to look not only to the past — but also to the decisions that still await us.
On May 14, 1948, when David Ben-Gurion declared the establishment of the State of Israel, only about 650,000 Jews lived in the land. Israel was then a tiny state, surrounded by enemies, lacking strategic depth, poor in weapons and resources. Jerusalem was under siege, the roads were blocked, and the Jewish community was struggling for its very survival. Precisely at that moment, many voices arose in opposition — both from within and from abroad.
Within the Jewish leadership, there were those who believed that declaring a state would be a dangerous and irresponsible step. Moshe Sharett feared diplomatic isolation and a full-scale war against the Arab states. Eliezer Kaplan warned of economic and military collapse. There were also security officials who believed that we simply did not possess enough weapons and ammunition to withstand the invasion of the regular Arab armies.
Even in the United States, heavy pressure was exerted to postpone the declaration. Senior officials in the American administration warned Harry S. Truman that the Jewish state would not survive more than a few weeks. The U.S. State Department proposed establishing an international trusteeship in the land instead of an independent Jewish state.
And standing opposite them were the Arab states — Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq — which made clear that a declaration of a Jewish state would immediately lead to war. Indeed, only hours after the declaration, their armies invaded the country.
But Ben-Gurion understood a simple truth: sovereignty is not born out of perfect conditions. It is created through the justice of the cause and through a nation’s willingness to take responsibility for its homeland.
And now, nearly six decades after the liberation of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, it seems that we have returned to precisely the same test. Even today, we are told to wait. Wait for the right international timing. Wait for global approval. Wait for security calm. Wait until there are one million Jews living in Judea and Samaria.
But history teaches us that nations do not receive their rights from others, but from themselves. The United States declared independence while fighting Britain in war. Greece freed itself from the Ottoman Empire after a bloody revolt. Italy and Germany unified through struggles and wars. Ireland fought for years for its independence. Croatia and Slovenia declared independence despite opposition and war.
In many cases throughout history, national determination preceded international recognition. First, a people exercised its right over its land — and only afterward did the recognition of the world follow.
Numerically speaking, today’s reality is far stronger than the one that existed on the eve of Israel’s establishment. In Judea, Samaria, Gaza, and eastern and northern Jerusalem — the areas liberated during the Six-Day War — more than 750,000 Jews now live, more than the entire Jewish population living in the Land of Israel at the time the state was declared.
Even in 1948, many argued that it was necessary to wait — for military superiority, for broader international recognition, or for a more favorable demographic reality. But Ben-Gurion understood that if the Jewish people would not exercise its rights itself, no one else would do it in its place.
The real debate has never been merely demographic. The question is moral and historical: does the people of Israel truly believe that this is its land? If we ourselves hesitate to apply sovereignty over the heart of our homeland — in Hebron, Shiloh, Beit El, and the Jordan Valley — we send the world a dangerous message: that perhaps we ourselves are not certain of our right to be here.
It is davka concessions, withdrawals, and retreat from parts of our homeland under terror that strengthen the false claim in the world that Israel is an “occupier” or a “usurper.” When a nation relinquishes its inheritance because of pressure and violence, the world concludes that the land indeed does not belong to it.
This is not merely a political debate. It is a test of national consciousness. In 1948, leaders were found who dared to declare sovereignty despite the risks. In 1967, we merited to return to the cradle of our historic homeland. The question facing our generation is whether we will know how to complete the process — out of justice, right, and historical responsibility.
It is not the numbers that determine the outcome. One million Jews will not bring sovereignty. What will bring sovereignty is the inner recognition that this land is ours.